Damascus, Feb. 13 (SANA) – The U.S. Department of Justice’s release of over 3 million pages of documents in late January 2026, under the Epstein Files Transparency Act signed by President Trump in 2025, has reignited global scrutiny of the late financier Jeffrey Epstein’s extensive network. This batch, part of a cumulative 3.5 million pages disclosed after redactions for national security and privacy, includes emails, financial records, and FBI memos that highlight previously underreported connections to Israel, its political elite, and intelligence circles. However, analyses suggest that only about 2% of the total investigative data has been made public, raising questions about potential withholding to shield influential figures. These revelations add a geopolitical layer to Epstein’s web, particularly amid ongoing Middle East tensions.
Documented Interactions with Israeli Figures
The files detail Epstein’s close ties to former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak, who appears repeatedly in communications, visitor logs, and business dealings. Emails show Barak visited Epstein’s New York residences multiple times between 2013 and 2017, sometimes staying for extended periods. Barak’s aide, Yoni Koren—a former Israeli military intelligence officer—also stayed at Epstein’s properties for weeks and reportedly had his 2012 cancer treatment funded by Epstein. The two maintained social and professional contact, including discussions on high-stakes international deals.
Epstein invested in a technology startup linked to Barak, later rebranded as Carbyne, a company specializing in emergency response software with ties to Israeli security sectors. Financial records reveal Epstein’s broader support for pro-Israel causes through his COUQ Foundation (also known as C.O.U.Q. Foundation) and other entities like Gratitude America Ltd. Donations included $25,000 to “Friends of the Israel Defense Forces (FIDF)” in 2005, $15,000 to the Jewish National Fund (JNF)—which supports land development projects, including in contested West Bank areas criticized as facilitating settlements—and contributions to groups like Hillel International and Harvard’s Hillel. Epstein’s 2008 trip to Israel, where he toured military bases with FIDF while facing U.S. charges, further underscores these affiliations.
Other documented links include Epstein’s associations with pro-Israel advocates like Alan Dershowitz, who represented him legally, and businessman Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem. Emails from December 2018 show Epstein joking with Barak about Mossad ties, writing, “You should make clear that I don’t work for Mossad :)”—a remark some interpret as ironic given the context. In response to the releases, Barak has publicly expressed regret over the friendship, apologizing for his “years-long” association and calling it a mistake in hindsight.
Allegations and Intelligence Speculation
The documents have amplified longstanding speculation about Epstein’s potential role in intelligence operations, particularly with Israel’s Mossad. A 2020 FBI memo from a confidential human source (CHS) alleges Epstein was “trained as a spy” under Barak and functioned as a co-opted asset for Israeli and allied intelligence, relaying information via Dershowitz, who reportedly debriefed with Mossad after calls. This unverified claim, part of a report on foreign election influence, lacks official corroboration and appears only once in the files.
Further fueling these theories are claims from former Israeli intelligence officer Ari Ben-Menashe, who in interviews and books asserted that Epstein and his associate Ghislaine Maxwell operated for Mossad since the 1980s, using blackmail in operations reminiscent of those allegedly run by Maxwell’s father, Robert Maxwell—a media mogul widely reported as a Mossad asset until his mysterious 1991 death. Comedian Bassem Youssef, in a recent Piers Morgan interview, satirically highlighted these connections, noting Epstein’s links to Barak, Maxwell’s Mossad heritage, Dershowitz as “Israel’s favorite lawyer,” and support for settlement projects.
Israeli officials have vehemently denied any formal involvement. Former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett dismissed Epstein-as-Mossad claims as “unfounded” and part of a “smear campaign.” Benjamin Netanyahu echoed this in 2026 statements, asserting that Barak’s personal ties do not imply state espionage. Critics, including pro-Palestine voices, argue these denials overlook patterns, while others, like Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, have used the files to decry “Western satanism.” Mainstream U.S. media often labels such speculation as fringe conspiracy theories, potentially amplified by disinformation.
Geopolitical Dealings and Broader Context
Beyond personal ties, emails reveal Epstein and Barak’s involvement in international schemes with Middle East implications. In 2013, they discussed arranging a meeting with Vladimir Putin to facilitate the removal of the deposed Syrian President Bashar al-Assad amid regional unrest—an effort that failed but highlights Epstein’s role in backchannel diplomacy. They also explored using former MI6 and Mossad agents to recover frozen Libyan assets, adding to questions about Epstein’s influence in strategic regions.
The files, stemming from Epstein’s 2019 arrest and earlier investigations, include communications with global elites—politicians, billionaires, and celebrities—many unrelated to his sex trafficking convictions. While Israeli connections are substantiated, no conclusive evidence ties Epstein formally to any intelligence agency. Appearances in documents do not equate to wrongdoing, as emphasized by outlets like the BBC and PBS. However, media coverage varies: U.S. sources like The New York Times downplay Mossad angles as speculative, while Middle Eastern outlets like Al Jazeera scrutinize them as evidence of influence operations.
Why It Matters
Epstein’s network persists in public interest due to its criminal undertones and the involvement of powerful figures across continents. The Israeli links introduce a geopolitical dimension, intersecting with philanthropy, alleged intelligence activities, and regional politics—such as JNF’s role in West Bank development, seen by critics as supporting occupation. In the Middle East context, these revelations raise broader questions about elite influence on foreign policy, including U.S.-Israel relations and operations in Syria and Libya. While much remains a mix of documented facts, personal relationships, and unverified claims, the partial release of files continues to spark debate, with calls for full transparency to address lingering suspicions.
Kh.A
